Accelerating the world's research.
Historical investigation- Ferdinand E.
Marocs
Brent Mayol
Related papers
PERFORMING HUMAN RIGHTS: PISTA RIZALINA'S INTERROGATIONS OF MARTIAL LAW, EXTRA
Sir Anril Pineda TIAT CO
A Planned and Coordinated Anarchy: T he Barricades of 1971 and the "Diliman Commune"
Joseph Scalice
Review Article: Now it can be told: shadow of memories and skelet ons
Rizal Buendia
Download a PDF Pack of the best relat ed papers
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
The nature of the rule of
Ferdinand E. Marcos
“Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely” - Lord Acton 1887 .
1
A quote which essentially summarises the rise and fall of the 10th President of the
Philippines, Ferdinand E. Marcos. He lived from 1917-1989 and held his presidency
from 1965-1986 . He was known for a great number of qualities, initially a talented
2
lawyer known for his intelligence and a decorated soldier of a guerrilla army known as
the Ang Mahárlika (translates to "The Freeman”) , which fought alongside the Ameri
3
-
cans in WWII for freedom from the Japanese. Both experiences allowed the acquisition
of skills and characteristics which would later prove to be vital in his political career. As
president his skilful ability in public speaking and his charismatic appeal became prom-
inent on the domestic, as well as, world stage. With all these qualities one would won-
der how such a man could leave a legacy of corruption and a sense of tyranny in a
country he claimed to act in the best interest of. Therefore, the aim of this historical in-
vestigation is to uncover the true nature of the rule of Ferdinand Marcos. In order to
achieve this, it is essential to explore his context, as well as it’s eects upon on his 20
year rule. How Marcos took and maintained power in his 20 years as president. Further,
to create a deeper and more complete understanding of the Marcos’ Regime and the
historical perspectives that have developed, it will be essential to explore the economic,
political and social impacts of Marcos. Through the use of primary and secondary
sources the arguments presented aim to be justified with sound historical veracity
Lord Acton on “Power Corrupts” by David Henderson, 2013 - EconLog https://www.econlib.org/archives/2013/02/lord_acton_on_p.html accessed:
1
15/6/19
Ferdinand Marcos- britannica.com accessed: 15/6/19
2
Military career of Ferdinand Marcos- Wikipedia accessed: 15/6/19 note: his history in the involvement in WWII has been found to be grossly exag
3
-
gerated.
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
The First Quarter Storm Library “The January 26 Confrontation” published 2010https://fqslibrary.wordpress.com/2010/01/25/the-january-26-con
4
-
frontation-by-jose-f-lacaba/ , accessed 28/6/19
The National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP) is a nation-wide alliance of student councils/governments/unions committed to the ad
5
-
vancement of the students' democratic rights and welfare. Extract from National Union of Students of the Philippines, http://nusp.blogspot.com, ac-
cessed 16/7/19
The Kabataang Makabayan is, since being outlawed in 1972 due to martial law, a now underground revolutionary organisation which supports com
6
-
munism in the Philippines. More detail on this group can be found on National Democratic Front of the Philippines ‘Historic role and contributions of
Kabataang Makabayan’ published 2014, https://www.ndfp.org/historic-role-and-contributions-of-kabataang-makabayan/, accessed 16/7/19
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
the minds of those in the western world and across Asia . Therefore, Marcos and the
7
Philippines, due to its central location in SE Asia, was seen to hold a responsibility to
assist in preventing the spread of communism globally. The weight of this obligation
can be seen to be complied, and supported by Marcos in the following year of his ac-
quisition of power. Despite holding a firm opposition to the deployment of troops to
Vietnam prior to his presidency. In 1966 Filipino troops also known as the “filgag” were
sent to South Vietnam in order to assist in civilian infrastructure projects . However,
8
Marcos in the 1977 episode of the Firing line program, eectively conveyed that he
trusted that China was not a threat to the Philippines, as he had no “reason to distrust
their word” due to his 1975 visit to China, and disregarded suspicion of China’s in-
volvement in, however acknowledged evidence of, the smuggling of weapons to com-
munist organisations in the Philippines . From this, a contradiction appears, that the
9
main antagonist of the communist threat in Asia, which assisted the communist revolu-
tion in Vietnam , was not a threat to the Philippines. Marcos justified his belief of Chi
10
-
na’s neutrality as due to the then current leadership being “pragmatic” and that the
Philippines was “not worth the eort” in reference to China’s ambition for global com-
munism . Therefore, this brings into question the validity of the nationwide implemen
11
-
tation of martial law from 1972, in which “the communist threat” was a major citation
under Proclamation No. 1081 . This questionability was particularly relevant to the Fil
12
-
ipino people of the time and is presented by primary sources such as the perspective of
history.com “Domino Theory” published 2009, https://www.history.com/topics/cold-war/domino-theory accessed 20/6/19
7
HistoryNet.com “The Philippines: Allies During the Vietnam War” published 2006, https://www.historynet.com/the-philippines-allies-during-the-viet
8
-
nam-war.htm accessed: 20/6/19
the Firing Line Program ‘Ferdinand Marcos, President of the Philippines: a discussion… transcript of the Firing line program’ accessed 18/7/19
9
(quote is located on the bottom of page 5)
The Washington Post ‘China Admits Combat In Vietnam War’ published: unknown
10
the Firing Line Program ‘Ferdinand Marcos, President of the Philippines: a discussion… transcript of the Firing line program’ accessed 18/7/19
11
(quote is located on the bottom of page 5)
Page 17 of ‘Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
12
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
my own Filipino born mother, Rowena Mayol , who described the sole purpose of mar
13
-
tial law as “A means for Marcos to maintain power”. "
This notion of Marcos’ need to maintain power originates from the widespread dissent
of the population evident in the various 1970 protests, rallies and riots which has come
to be known as ‘The First Quarter Storm’ , which notably occurred shortly after Mar
14
-
cos’ unprecedented re-election of 1969. This concept of dissent by the general popu-
lace is further supported by Filemon C. Rodriquez’ ‘The Marcos Regime’. As in his book
Rodriquez exhibits that the Marcos administration knew of its growing unpopularity
which therefore resulted in extra measures being undertaken to “influence voters” .
15
Such measures are apparent in the lead up to, and during the 1967 and 1969 elections,
as part of their campaign for re-election the Marcos administration held, as well as en-
forced, a mentality of “win-at-all-costs” . This objective set by the Marcos administra
16
-
tion would incur further debt on the nation’s economy, through substantial spending on
boosting the potential reach of the administration’s campaign via the rigorous satura-
tion of the media and the use of “goons, guns and gold” according to Rodriquez to
17
help guarantee the re-election of Marcos. These activities according to Rodriquez are
by “conservative estimates” to have incurred the cost of approximately “five hundred
million pesos”. The eects of what can be termed as electoral fraud are shown to have
contributed to the diminishing economic conditions within the Philippines, as exhibited
by Rodriquez through economic statistics recorded by the National Economic Council.
Rowena Mayol, born 1970 in Cebu, by the time Marcos had lost power in 1986 she was 16 and can accurately recall certain events. Rowena is
13
passionately anti-Marcos and pro-Duterte (current Filipino president). She was raised in the Philippines and studied as a scholar for nursing at the
Cebu Normal University. She grew up in an upper class family as her father was a wealthy business owner.
The First Quarter Storm Library ‘The January 26#Confrontation’ by Jose F. Lacaba, First published February 7, 1970 then again on the 25th of Jan
14
-
uary 2010, accessed 21/7/19
page 35 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
15
page 35 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
16
page 35 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
17
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
Where internal debt by the end of his first term of Presidency rose to P(Filipino Peso)
5838.4 million or “86 percent of what it was at the start” . Thus the role of Marcos in
18
the Cold War was thereby, arguably, an exterior illusion created by the paranoia origi-
nating from the Western populist concept of Communism destroying its capitalistic
ideals globally. Internally, communism to Marcos during the Cold War was but a minor
threat when compared to the state of the nation, in terms of its crime rates and eco-
nomic weaknesses. The illusion of the communist threat was exhibited to have been
used by Marcos to hide the true concerns of the nation from the West and, to thereby,
create a ‘need’ for an authoritative government within the newly independent Constitu-
tion of the Philippines. "
Marcos has become infamous for the way in which he maintained overall control of the
social, economic and political environment of the Philippines. Although, in the end Mar-
cos was seen to rule with a “iron fist” as described by primary source, pro-Marcos Fil-
ipino Ricardo Sibucao , it was not how he reached such heights of power and, at least
19
initially, swayed the masses to his favour. It was his exceptional ability to speak in pub-
lic and his seemingly infallible intelligence which won the hearts of both, the Filipino,
and Foreign, public. In the social environment, Marcos won the Filipino people through
his 1965 campaign, in his patriotic promise “to make the country great again” . A no
20
-
table parallel to today’s US president Donald J. Trump. However similar such contro-
versial figures are, the dierence lays in their ability to evoke economic and political
change, where Trump undeniably continues to strive and Marcos arguably struggled.
However, where Trump blatantly struggles to create a national identity which America
Page 38 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
18
Ricardo Sibucao is a Filipino in born 1946, he is the Grandfather of Joshua Deidier (classmate at St Edwards). Ricardo was 19 when Marcos came
19
to power in 1965 and therefore would have been old enough to experience the eects of the Marcos administration as an adult.
Page 23 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
20
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
can, once more, universally identify with and, moreover, accept . Marcos skilfully and
21
advantageously strived, as he achieved a symbolic nationalist aura of which the Filipino
people could delineate upon their own sense of patriotism, a value of which Marcos
supporters used as an excuse for his excessive acts of violence . Providing the Philip
22
-
pines with a national identity is something which has become somewhat of a hallmark
of his Presidential career, as his policies and methods, despite its authoritative nature,
dealt with the problems within the Philippines in a way which some Filipinos saw as a
necessity of the period, through hardline punishment. Therefore, Marcos, despite his
flaws as president, set a blueprint in reference to being a truly nationalistic leader. Such
a concept is strongly emphasised by my father, Alet Mayol , who is pro-Marcos, how
23
-
ever, acknowledges Marcos’ brutal authoritative nature, as he believes Marcos “put
Philippines on the map” and “was the first President to toy with the US”. Such an idea
is further praised in James Hamilton-Peterson’s ‘America’s Boy’, “Marcos had given the
country a measure of pride and independence” A view which Ricardo agreed with but
24
interestingly cited as being “what did it for him” referring to Marcos' downfall."
Politically, Marcos post-initial election continued with the promise of bringing change,
as he, according to Rodriqeuz “emphasised eciency and honesty in government” .
25
Marcos controlled and implemented economic change through the formation of custom
councils, such as the “high-level economic-developmental council” whereby he was
26
The Washington Post ‘The forgotten riot that explains Trump’s appeal to the white working class’ by Leonard Steinhorn published: June 24 2019
21
Primary sources Ricardo Sibucao and Alet Mayol both pro-Marcos exhibit tendencies to justify Marcos’ authoritative methods as a means to “disci
22
-
pline” and therefore, contribute to making the Philippines a safer and better place.
Alet Mayol born in 1968, Filipino born and raised. He grew up in the lower class family in what was a rural area (now urbanised) of Cebu. He went on
23
to study at the Cebu Normal University on a scholarship studying law then nursing and graduate as valedictorian.
Ricardo Sibucao is a Filipino in born 1946, he is the Grandfather of Joshua Deidier (classmate at St Edwards). Ricardo was 19 when Marcos came
24
to power in 1965 and therefore would have been old enough to experience the eects of the Marcos administration as an adult.
Page 23-24 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
25
Page 24 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
26
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
chairman. Essentially, from this reform, it is exhibited that even early on, Marcos had a
desire to centralise power to orbit himself. As president he had access to the given
powers associated, such as the right to executive orders and martial law, both of which,
he used to controversial lengths at some point in his reign. As seen in, most notably,
the controversial proclamation of martial law in 1972 and various formations of commit-
tees such as the Financial and Fiscal Policy Committee established by Executive Order
No. 242, signed 1970 . In the time of martial law, Marcos ran a centralised authoritative
27
regime, and thus, the Philippines was under the control of Marcos and his military.
Which entailed policies such as the closure of all independent media, curfews, loss of
the freedom of speech and general limitations/loss of liberty . "
28
Economically, in the majority of western media you can find all sorts of articles explor-
ing the detrimental impact which Marcos had on the Philippines. Essentially the sole
picture of what is remembered of Marcos in the West, is that of, the corrupt dictator or
as the Economist puts it “thief” , of whom, stole from, and left the Philippine economy
29
in a detrimental state . However, there is also a perception that Marcos brought in
30
economic prosperity. In his first term as president, Marcos essentially delved into vari-
ous major changes and projects which aimed to improve the Philippines, as well as,
exhibit “competence” . In particular, the infrastructure projects did indeed become no
31
-
table and eective in swaying a positive view of Marcos, as emphasised by my family
friend, Lorena Torre “Without Marcos there would not be the Juanico Bridge and the
32
Ocial Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines ‘Executive Orders’ https://www.ocialgazette.gov.ph/section/executive-orders/page/370/
27
Page 97 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
28
The Economist ‘Hail to the thief’ published: November 12th, 2016 https://www.economist.com/asia/2016/11/12/hail-to-the-thief
29
ABC News ‘Imelda Marcos shoe museum: The excess of a regime that still haunts the Philippines’ By Shirley Escalante in Manila, Updated 2 Oct
30
2016
Page 25 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
31
Lorena Torre Filipino born 1972, would have been 14 at the time of Marcos’ overthrow in 1986
32
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
Heart Centre in the Philippines, zigzag road in Atimonan quezon”. However, such major
projects made, as noted, “little progress” and incurred further debts to the already
33
weak economy of the Philippines. As a result of the costs of such projects, at the end of
his first-term, operating deficits had more than quadrupled to P933.6 Million from
P152.9 Million . This, in turn, created a poor economic outlook for the population as
34
inflation became a result of the substantial use of borrowing and, thereby, increased
costs of living with interest rates peaking at 21 percent . Economic conditions would
35
continue to diminish throughout his presidency, and the people’s dissatisfaction to
therefore increase.%
Marcos from the earliest stages of his presidency introduced significant social reforms
which aimed to promote prosperity within Philippine society. In 1966, most notably,
Marcos introduced family planning in a time when the growth of the population was
“exploding” . Such a reform was controversial, as the Philippines was, and continues
36
to be, a largely conservative Catholic society. Therefore, the reaction of the church ac-
cording to, previously mentioned primary source, Ricardo Sibucao was “did not agree
with that” and thus resulted in Marcos “always having some disagreement with the
church”, of which, created significant opposition to the Marcos’ administration. Such
opposition from the Catholic Church was, notably publicly, exhibited in the opening
session of Congress in 1970. Where a desolate invocation delivered by an unnamed
member of the “Filipino religious hierarchy” essentially exposed and explored, as Ro-
driquez puts it, the “grim outlook” of 1970, as well as, the then current situation of the
Page 25 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
33
Page 37 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
34
Page 58 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
35
Page 23 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
36
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
Philippines at the end of Marcos’ first term. The member essentially pleaded for unity
under God, exposed poor economic conditions as the people “stare at dwindling goods
and rising prices” and asked for the people to “stand for their rights whether at the
polls…..against all goons” . From this we can see that the significance of the Catholic
37
church allowed such an individual to speak out and even indirectly criticise Marcos, in
reference to his use of, as previously discussed, corrupt methods through intimidation
tactics to make voters vote for him, and his incompetencies as President which result-
ed in the deterioration of all sectors of the Philippines. Such criticisms despite being a
public outcry which implicated Marcos as iniquitous was allowed to be shared where
others would have, and had been, brutally silenced. Another example of social reform
was the land reforms of 1972, which aimed to give Filipino farmer’s greater use and
amounts of land . However, the land reforms were ineective due to maladministra
38
-
tion, “land grabs” and “loop holes” within the system according to personal testimony
by my aunt Ayen Mayol Logronio , of which, made the social reform eectively “use
39
-
less”. This perception of ineectiveness is a view which aligns with Rodriquez’ as he
states in reference to such reforms that “Growth was realised in agriculture” but “it was
realised that the little progress was achieved at a great cost” . In the early 1970s until
40
martial law, crime was prevalent throughout the Philippines. At its worst, according to
Rodriquez “It was estimated that there was one murder every nine minutes, one rob-
bery every twenty minutes, one sexual oence very 100 minutes, one physical injury
every ten minutes, and one swindle every hour.” When martial law was imposed in
Page 42 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press.
37
Department of Agrarian Reform ‘Agrarian Reform History’ http://www.dar.gov.ph/about-us/agrarian-reform-history/
38
Filipino born in 1978, younger sister of Alet Mayol
39
Page 25 of Filemon C. Rodriguez. (1985). The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation. Diliman, Quezon City: Vintage Press."
40
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
1972, crimes rates dropped accordingly, but living and economic conditions deteriorat-
ed, as freedom and, in turn, trade, was substantially limited. "
Despite his implementation of sweeping changes across the economic, social and po-
litical structure of the Philippines, and, his ability to use his words to manipulate audi-
ences domestically and globally. The conditions within the Philippines were a reality
which, eventually, no amount of words or false promises could hide from the Filipino
people. In defiance of the use of Marcos’ authoritative measures which allowed a still
unprecedented 20 year reign as president, the people of the Philippines came to a uni-
versal realisation of their own demise and therefore, though gradually, demanded their
freedom for a true democracy. In the end it was the people led by influential political
figures Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel V. Ramos, who brought the end to the reign of Mar-
cos through what could’ve possibly been the most horrendous civilian slaughter in the
history of the Philippines at the hands of their own government. However, in reality, the
overthrow of the Marcos’ administration was miraculously and astonishingly peaceful,
through what would become to be known as the Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA)
People Power Revolution of February 1986 . Marcos, in the majority of Western media,
41
is perceived to have left a legacy of tyrannic authoritative rule. However, his legacy
within the Philippines persists in generating polarised opinion, appealing amongst those
who desire a strong leader and causing repudiation in individuals who remember his
corruption. The Influence of his tenacious leadership can be seen contemporarily in the
current Filipino President Rodrigo Duterte, who although despises Marcos, seems to
Ocial Gazette ‘The Fall of he Dictatorship’ https://www.ocialgazette.gov.ph/featured/the-fall-of-the-dictatorship/ accessed 20/7/19
41
History extension- H.I
Ferdinand E Marcos
By Brent Mayol
admire his “iron-fist” approach, as is prevalent in his own war against drugs and his
42
crusade against corruption .
43
Quote from Ricardo Sibucao
42
ABS CBN News ‘Duterte vows to continue drug war, battle corruption’ Posted Posted at Jul 17 2019, https://news.abs-cbn.com/news/07/17/19/
43
duterte-vows-to-continue-drug-war-battle-corruption